共产党的狗来了_notalandlord 写了： 2024年 11月 24日 02:05 自1840年以来，中国饱受积贫积弱之困，国土沦丧，民众生灵涂炭。“民主”“文明”的外衣下，是列强的欺凌与压迫。面对民族危机，一代又一代的中华儿女前赴后继，探索救国救民的道路。最终，历史选择了中国共产党，人民选择了中国共产党。正是中国共产党带领中国人民，挽救了濒临三千年未有之危局的中华民族。
对于一些敌对国家而言，打压中国、反对中国共产党无疑是其利益驱使的必然选择。他们深知，没有中国共产党作为领导核心，中国或将再次陷入“一盘散沙”的局面。这样，他们便可能再度凌辱中华民族——割占领土、勒索赔款、强迫中国人吸食鸦片，甚至在中国土地上划分租界，重演那段屈辱的历史。
然而令人不解的是，身为中华儿女，有些人竟随敌对势力起舞，妄图诋毁中国共产党。这难道不是“司马昭之心，路人皆知”吗？
余茂春的行为动机是什么？
版主： Softfist
#21 Re: 余茂春的行为动机是什么？
#22 Re: 余茂春的行为动机是什么？
余茂春提醒美国政府要把美国华人和共产中国政府分开对待，共产中国政府对此恨之入骨。island 写了： 2024年 11月 24日 05:22 反共不反华是个伪命题。
就算最初作为苏联共产党的一个支部或者共产国际的支部，中国共产党的任务也是救中国的，路线与方式正确与否当然可以争论，事实上争论一直存在，党内为此曾经斗争极为激烈，尤其在路线斗争与个人斗争互相交织的时候。
共产党的意识形态是最激烈的，在它的意识形态和具体政策和社会发展相适应的时候，中国的发展是惊人的。在不适应的时候，破坏也是惊人的。
所以反共不反华不可能成立。
#23 Re: 余茂春的行为动机是什么？
https://www.uscc.gov/sites/default/file ... n_wrts.pdf
Testimony before the
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission
China’s State Control Mechanisms and Methods
Chinese Nationalism
April 14, 2005
Maochun Yu
Associate Professor
United States Naval Academy
Annapolis, Maryland
[Views expressed here are my own, not those of the Department of Defense or any other
organization of the U.S. Government]
Mr/ Madam Chairman, and members of the Commission:
Thank you for inviting me to share my thoughts with you on this important issue. As
China moves to modernize its economic and military infrastructure and hardware, it has
become increasingly imperative for the United States to grasp the enormity and
seriousness of the major concomitant of this rapid modernization drive, i.e., the rising
tide of Chinese nationalism. Throughout history, there have been many rises and declines
of nations and states, some of these rises have posed grave challenges to international
order, such as those of revolutionary France, fascist Italy and Germany, imperialist Japan
and totalitarian communist systems of governments. Others have barely caused a ripple,
such as the rises of post-WWII democratic Japan and Germany as world industrial giants,
and post-communist Eastern Europe as rejuvenated nation-states and vibrant democracies.
Unfortunately, the rise of Chinese nationalism of late is destined to become a major
stimulant for trouble, and if not handled promptly and properly, a recipe for catastrophe
of great scale.
This is so because of the two basic frameworks within which today’s Chinese nationalism
is being bred: a dominant, albeit waning, state ideology of Marxism-Leninism and a deep
sense of vengeance and grievances against the outside world generated from a
deliberately distorted understanding of historical records, especially the records of the
past 150 years of the Chinese history. As a result, notes the political scientist Lucian Pye,
Chinese nationalism in modern times has always tended to be “Shanghaied.” It is
certainly so in the latest surge of Chinese nationalism.
In this testimony, I will attempt to address some of the key features in today’s Chinese
nationalism.
CHINESE NATIONALISM AND THE ZEITGEIST OF DEMOCRACY: No where is
more clearly manifested the convergence of Marxist-Leninist state theory and China’s
quest for a nationalistic state to redress historical grievance than in today’s version of
Chinese nationalism. According to Marxist-Leninist teachings, a communist state must
concentrate all powers in the hands of the Communist Party; similarly, a sweeping
consensus among the Chinese has emerged that all of China’s problems in the past
several hundreds of years have come as a result of a weak state. To solve all of China’s
problems, it is absolutely essential to create and sustain a strong state at any cost.
Therefore, all quests for individual freedom and for the voice of the common man must
be regarded as working against such a lofty goal of creating a strong government.
Consequently, today’s practitioners of Chinese nationalism are overwhelmingly anti-
democratic and hostile to liberal values such respect for human rights and individual
dignity. The Chinese government, partly motivated by its communist innate urge to
suppress any challenge to the power of the state, and partly emboldened by the rising tide
of popular Chinese nationalism, has dramatically stepped up its systematic purge of
dissidents and pro-democracy advocates. In the past ten years, while China has advanced
remarkably in the economic arena, the number of dissidents, or any others deemed
unfavorable to the state, jailed has also advanced even more remarkably, often in the
name of preserving “national security.” Today, according to the latest Amnesty
International report, China executes about 90% of the world’s prisoners condemned to
death; year after year, China holds the dubious honor of being the country that jails most
journalists; and by the account of the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders, over 80%
of the arrested in the world for voicing opinions on the Internet are Chinese.
CHINESE NATIONALISM AND ITS ECONOMIC OBJECTIVES: For the past twenty
five years, China has been known for its robust economic revival. However, the profound
economic changes in China should not be confused with democratic capitalism that is
governed by clearly defined legal frameworks and property rights. Instead, while millions
in China have benefited materially from China’s booming economy, the dominant
political policy that guides China’s economic reform is a “Socialist Market Economy.” In
essence, this seemingly oxymoronic policy has an unmistakable objective, that is, to use
economic liberalism to sustain a dictatorial socialism. The Chinese government scholar-
official He Xin has termed such policy as “Economic Nationalism,” which is to say, as
He Xin elaborates, this type of economy has a “statutorily clear political objective, i.e. to
make our nation rich and strong. It does not serve any individuals per se, but it serves the
2
nation only.” Throngs of other government-sanctioned economists and scholars have
vociferously echoed such a definition. Following such policy, the government of China,
not the ordinary Chinese people, has taken the lion’s share of the economic progress in
recent years, as demonstrated in China’s ever increasing government spending on
communist-style landmark projects such as huge hydraulic dams, an expensive showcase
magnetic rail system, as well as cutting edge military hardware such as modern
submarines, surface warships, missiles and surveillance technologies, and so on.
CHINESE NATIONALISM AND CHINESE IMPERIALISM: With every rising nation,
there is a natural tendency for its citizens to take pride in its historical roots and cultural
heritage. In the current surge of Chinese nationalism, however, the Chinese government
has not guided the Chinese masses to relish the greatness of Tang poetry, Song arts, or
ancient sages’ wisdom on war and peace. Instead, the Chinese government, with a
monopoly on mass media, has deliberately indulged the nation as a whole in taking
nostalgic trips to China’s past imperialism, fanning popular sentiment for conquests and
glory. In the past ten years, the Chinese communist government has spent enormous
budgets to produce multi-episodes series of China’s great emperors during its imperial
period--all are China’s greatest conquerors of vast territories and populations. These
series often have 40-50 episodes, invariably running during the evening prime time slots
on national TV (CCTV). Of these, four of them have created a national obsession. Some,
produced and broadcasted in the late 1990s, are hagiographical biographies of the 17th
and 18th century Qing emperors Kang Xi, Yongzheng and Qianlong, during whose reigns
China’s territorial conquests reached its zenith. The 44-episode series on the Yongzheng
emperor, broadcast in 1998, is particularly popular. Many have believed that the then
President Jiang Zemin tried to portray himself as another Yongzheng emperor. When the
agonizingly long power transition is over and Hu Jintao takes over China, an even more
explicitly “imperial” TV series comes out in January 2005 to exalt a past conqueror and
to draw relevance of greatness from the past emperor to today’s new communist leader
Hu Jintao. This series, entitled “HanWu Dadi” (the Great Han Emperor Wudi), has over
60 episodes, recounting the glory and virtues of the 1st century Han Dynasty emperor
Wudi (Liu Che). It is widely viewed by analysts as Hu Jintao’s efforts to exalt his own
image as reflected in history long past.
But the message in those operatic schemes could not be more explicit: China has a rich
past glory of conquest and virtues, and greatness of a nation is often accompanied by
great territorial expansion, just as in the case of Wudi, Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong.
In addition to television, another mass media used by the Chinese government to trumpet
imperialistic nationalism is motion pictures. No better example can be found than in the
2002 movie “Hero,” directed by China’s best known director Zhang Yimou. This biopic
is about China’s Qin dynasty emperor Shi Huangdi who first unified China through the
use of blunt force in 221 BC. Through stunning cinematography, the movie reminds the
audience of Leni Riefenstahl’s legendary “Triumph of the Will” in which Hitler’s
fanaticism and twisted German nationalism are effectively conveyed by sophisticated
artistic rendition. “Hero”’s message is unmistakable —no matter how brutal a dictator
might be, no matter how many people he might have to murder, as long as he could unify
3
China by any means, he is China’s hero. Obviously, this is an unapologetic justification
for China’s current advocacy for using military means to take Taiwan. No wonder the
Chinese government has taken serious steps to mobilize the nation to view the movie for
its explicit political message.
CHINESE NATIONALISM AND THE UTILITY OF HISTORY: It has been said
repeatedly that whoever controls memory controls the present, and whoever controls the
present controls the memory. With rising Chinese nationalism, the efforts to rewrite
history, to reinterpret history according to the demands of Chinese nationalism have
become a major national pastime.
It must be said at once that distorting history is not China’s monopoly. The most glaring
case of course is the attempt by Japanese ultranationalists to whitewash its World War II
history. But it must also be said that of the eight history textbooks approved by the
Japanese government in 2001 for local schools to choose, less than one fraction of one
percent of the Japanese schools have chosen the distorted history textbook. The
overwhelming majority of the Japanese schools are using the textbooks that faithfully
address Japanese criminal past with regards to its wars against other nations in Asia. In
the Chinese case, however, there are only two versions of high school textbooks available
and no other version is allowed by the government. These two versions of Chinese
history books are almost entirely identical in contents. The only difference is that they are
published by two presses. And both of them are severely distorted.
The Chinese government has been vigorously engaging in a persistent “Patriotism
Education” movement by using China’s modern history since the Opium War (1840) as a
tool. The initial purpose of such movement was to demonstrate the abject ineptitude of all
those “feudal” and “bourgeois” leaders in the past, from the Qing emperors to Sun Yat-
sun and Chiang Kai-shek, to deal with foreign imperialism and foreign invaders, thus
leaving the Chinese Communists as the only savior of the Chinese nation and its people.
With such a teleological purpose, the “Patriotism Education” often demonstrates blatant
distortion of basic facts in China’s modern history. In the current Chinese history
textbooks for high schoolers, a dichotomy between China the virtuous and the rest of the
World the evil is explicit. Little self-awareness is displayed in treatments of such
momentous events as the xenophobic Boxer Rebellion of 1900 whereby the Boxers are
exalted, without any criticism for its indiscriminating killings of foreigners, as the
ultimate heroes of Chinese patriotism. In such a textbook, xenophobia becomes virtuous,
foreign forces become invariably negative and often evil.
The Chinese leaders are frequent murderers of historical facts when they argue for their
current policies. Since the mid-1990s, the Chinese leaders have often cited the 16th
president of the U.S. Abraham Lincoln as a good example for waging war to preserve
“the territorial integrity of the Motherland.” They have said that Lincoln was right in
using the instrument of arms to keep the Union from falling apart; therefore, China is
justified to wage war on Taiwan to prevent Taiwan’s independence. But they would
never say that the fundamental reason for the American Civil War was slavery, not just to
preserve the Union, just as the fundamental reason for the China/Taiwan conflict is the
4
conflict between a dictatorial communist system and a vibrant democracy. When
persuasion failed to materialize, the Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao in March 2005,
in a desperate attempt to justify China’s Anti-Secession Law, openly fabricated history
by claiming that the U.S. government had a couple of anti-secession laws passed in the
Congress before the Civil War started, while in fact no such laws had ever been in
existence before the Civil War. But for ordinary Chinese, Wen’s words are taken as a
truism.
CHINESE NATIONALISM AND CHINESE CHAUVINISM: China prides itself for
being one of the longest continuous civilizations in the world. Indeed there are many
marvelous achievements in the Chinese civilization. But the current surge of Chinese
nationalism has hijacked this great sense of pride and turned it into a peculiar brand of
Chinese chauvinism that often publicly manifests itself as blatant racism. In March 2005,
the U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice visited China. While there, she made a few
statements mildly critical of China’s belligerent “Anti-Secession Law” aimed at Taiwan,
and urged the Chinese government to embrace more democratic virtues. Many Chinese
burst into racist tirades against African Americans in general and Secretary Rice in
particular on many of China’s government-sponsored Internet BBS forums. “Black
b***ch!,” “woman n**er,” “Americans’ IQ is so low that they have chosen a black
b***ch to be their Secretary of State,” “Rice is nothing but a lackey of the American
hegemonism,” are among the ugliest racist commentaries that remained uncensored by
the otherwise ubiquitous Internet police in the world’s most monitored cyberspace.
If these racist outbursts reflect some extreme tendencies among the extreme elements in
China’s society, internalized chauvinism in China’s popular culture remains pervasive
among ordinary Chinese citizens. The Chinese government in its vigorous campaign of
“Patriotism Education” strongly endorses “patriotic songs” that blatantly advocates
chauvinism. Earlier this year (2005), the CCP authorities in Shanghai endorsed three such
“patriotic songs” for all high schools in the region. One of them is called “The
Chinese”(Zhongguoren) by the pop star Liu Dehua. The lyric defines what qualifies one
as a “Chinese,” i.e. one must have “yellow face and black eyes.” Another popular song
by Luo Dayou, called “The Pearl of the East” (dongfang zhizhu), also urges that “please
don’t forget my forever yellow face.” Perhaps the most popular “patriotic song” in the
last 25 years in China is Zhang Mingmin’s “Dragon’s Descendents” (long de chuanren),
which defines a Chinese as someone with “black eyes, black hair, and yellow skin.” The
latest “patriotic song” performed at every major national TV event is Ye Fan’s “Dear
China, I Love You!” (qinai de zhongguo wo ai ni), which goes even further by claiming
that “My yellow skin is China’s national flag.”
This is of course blatant display of “Han Chinese” chauvinism. It says that if you do not
have “yellow skin, black eyes, or black hair,” you are not Chinese and patriotic.
Consequently, others living inside China--the Tibetans, the Koreans, the Mongolians, the
Muslims, etc—are not “Chinese” per se, therefore fall outside of the “patriotic love” by
the motherland.
5
In conclusion, the current surge of Chinese nationalism has in many ways been hijacked
by Chinese politics to serve the interest of the Chinese Communist Party who desperately
needs new sources of legitimacy. The CCP government fears a violent uprising against its
glaring lack of democratic virtues. Consequently, it has engineered with great skill a
twisted “Chinese nationalism” that embodies a mishmash of latter day Marxism/Leninism,
Chinese chauvinism, xenophobia, and blatant historical revisionism.
6
Testimony before the
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission
China’s State Control Mechanisms and Methods
Chinese Nationalism
April 14, 2005
Maochun Yu
Associate Professor
United States Naval Academy
Annapolis, Maryland
[Views expressed here are my own, not those of the Department of Defense or any other
organization of the U.S. Government]
Mr/ Madam Chairman, and members of the Commission:
Thank you for inviting me to share my thoughts with you on this important issue. As
China moves to modernize its economic and military infrastructure and hardware, it has
become increasingly imperative for the United States to grasp the enormity and
seriousness of the major concomitant of this rapid modernization drive, i.e., the rising
tide of Chinese nationalism. Throughout history, there have been many rises and declines
of nations and states, some of these rises have posed grave challenges to international
order, such as those of revolutionary France, fascist Italy and Germany, imperialist Japan
and totalitarian communist systems of governments. Others have barely caused a ripple,
such as the rises of post-WWII democratic Japan and Germany as world industrial giants,
and post-communist Eastern Europe as rejuvenated nation-states and vibrant democracies.
Unfortunately, the rise of Chinese nationalism of late is destined to become a major
stimulant for trouble, and if not handled promptly and properly, a recipe for catastrophe
of great scale.
This is so because of the two basic frameworks within which today’s Chinese nationalism
is being bred: a dominant, albeit waning, state ideology of Marxism-Leninism and a deep
sense of vengeance and grievances against the outside world generated from a
deliberately distorted understanding of historical records, especially the records of the
past 150 years of the Chinese history. As a result, notes the political scientist Lucian Pye,
Chinese nationalism in modern times has always tended to be “Shanghaied.” It is
certainly so in the latest surge of Chinese nationalism.
In this testimony, I will attempt to address some of the key features in today’s Chinese
nationalism.
CHINESE NATIONALISM AND THE ZEITGEIST OF DEMOCRACY: No where is
more clearly manifested the convergence of Marxist-Leninist state theory and China’s
quest for a nationalistic state to redress historical grievance than in today’s version of
Chinese nationalism. According to Marxist-Leninist teachings, a communist state must
concentrate all powers in the hands of the Communist Party; similarly, a sweeping
consensus among the Chinese has emerged that all of China’s problems in the past
several hundreds of years have come as a result of a weak state. To solve all of China’s
problems, it is absolutely essential to create and sustain a strong state at any cost.
Therefore, all quests for individual freedom and for the voice of the common man must
be regarded as working against such a lofty goal of creating a strong government.
Consequently, today’s practitioners of Chinese nationalism are overwhelmingly anti-
democratic and hostile to liberal values such respect for human rights and individual
dignity. The Chinese government, partly motivated by its communist innate urge to
suppress any challenge to the power of the state, and partly emboldened by the rising tide
of popular Chinese nationalism, has dramatically stepped up its systematic purge of
dissidents and pro-democracy advocates. In the past ten years, while China has advanced
remarkably in the economic arena, the number of dissidents, or any others deemed
unfavorable to the state, jailed has also advanced even more remarkably, often in the
name of preserving “national security.” Today, according to the latest Amnesty
International report, China executes about 90% of the world’s prisoners condemned to
death; year after year, China holds the dubious honor of being the country that jails most
journalists; and by the account of the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders, over 80%
of the arrested in the world for voicing opinions on the Internet are Chinese.
CHINESE NATIONALISM AND ITS ECONOMIC OBJECTIVES: For the past twenty
five years, China has been known for its robust economic revival. However, the profound
economic changes in China should not be confused with democratic capitalism that is
governed by clearly defined legal frameworks and property rights. Instead, while millions
in China have benefited materially from China’s booming economy, the dominant
political policy that guides China’s economic reform is a “Socialist Market Economy.” In
essence, this seemingly oxymoronic policy has an unmistakable objective, that is, to use
economic liberalism to sustain a dictatorial socialism. The Chinese government scholar-
official He Xin has termed such policy as “Economic Nationalism,” which is to say, as
He Xin elaborates, this type of economy has a “statutorily clear political objective, i.e. to
make our nation rich and strong. It does not serve any individuals per se, but it serves the
2
nation only.” Throngs of other government-sanctioned economists and scholars have
vociferously echoed such a definition. Following such policy, the government of China,
not the ordinary Chinese people, has taken the lion’s share of the economic progress in
recent years, as demonstrated in China’s ever increasing government spending on
communist-style landmark projects such as huge hydraulic dams, an expensive showcase
magnetic rail system, as well as cutting edge military hardware such as modern
submarines, surface warships, missiles and surveillance technologies, and so on.
CHINESE NATIONALISM AND CHINESE IMPERIALISM: With every rising nation,
there is a natural tendency for its citizens to take pride in its historical roots and cultural
heritage. In the current surge of Chinese nationalism, however, the Chinese government
has not guided the Chinese masses to relish the greatness of Tang poetry, Song arts, or
ancient sages’ wisdom on war and peace. Instead, the Chinese government, with a
monopoly on mass media, has deliberately indulged the nation as a whole in taking
nostalgic trips to China’s past imperialism, fanning popular sentiment for conquests and
glory. In the past ten years, the Chinese communist government has spent enormous
budgets to produce multi-episodes series of China’s great emperors during its imperial
period--all are China’s greatest conquerors of vast territories and populations. These
series often have 40-50 episodes, invariably running during the evening prime time slots
on national TV (CCTV). Of these, four of them have created a national obsession. Some,
produced and broadcasted in the late 1990s, are hagiographical biographies of the 17th
and 18th century Qing emperors Kang Xi, Yongzheng and Qianlong, during whose reigns
China’s territorial conquests reached its zenith. The 44-episode series on the Yongzheng
emperor, broadcast in 1998, is particularly popular. Many have believed that the then
President Jiang Zemin tried to portray himself as another Yongzheng emperor. When the
agonizingly long power transition is over and Hu Jintao takes over China, an even more
explicitly “imperial” TV series comes out in January 2005 to exalt a past conqueror and
to draw relevance of greatness from the past emperor to today’s new communist leader
Hu Jintao. This series, entitled “HanWu Dadi” (the Great Han Emperor Wudi), has over
60 episodes, recounting the glory and virtues of the 1st century Han Dynasty emperor
Wudi (Liu Che). It is widely viewed by analysts as Hu Jintao’s efforts to exalt his own
image as reflected in history long past.
But the message in those operatic schemes could not be more explicit: China has a rich
past glory of conquest and virtues, and greatness of a nation is often accompanied by
great territorial expansion, just as in the case of Wudi, Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong.
In addition to television, another mass media used by the Chinese government to trumpet
imperialistic nationalism is motion pictures. No better example can be found than in the
2002 movie “Hero,” directed by China’s best known director Zhang Yimou. This biopic
is about China’s Qin dynasty emperor Shi Huangdi who first unified China through the
use of blunt force in 221 BC. Through stunning cinematography, the movie reminds the
audience of Leni Riefenstahl’s legendary “Triumph of the Will” in which Hitler’s
fanaticism and twisted German nationalism are effectively conveyed by sophisticated
artistic rendition. “Hero”’s message is unmistakable —no matter how brutal a dictator
might be, no matter how many people he might have to murder, as long as he could unify
3
China by any means, he is China’s hero. Obviously, this is an unapologetic justification
for China’s current advocacy for using military means to take Taiwan. No wonder the
Chinese government has taken serious steps to mobilize the nation to view the movie for
its explicit political message.
CHINESE NATIONALISM AND THE UTILITY OF HISTORY: It has been said
repeatedly that whoever controls memory controls the present, and whoever controls the
present controls the memory. With rising Chinese nationalism, the efforts to rewrite
history, to reinterpret history according to the demands of Chinese nationalism have
become a major national pastime.
It must be said at once that distorting history is not China’s monopoly. The most glaring
case of course is the attempt by Japanese ultranationalists to whitewash its World War II
history. But it must also be said that of the eight history textbooks approved by the
Japanese government in 2001 for local schools to choose, less than one fraction of one
percent of the Japanese schools have chosen the distorted history textbook. The
overwhelming majority of the Japanese schools are using the textbooks that faithfully
address Japanese criminal past with regards to its wars against other nations in Asia. In
the Chinese case, however, there are only two versions of high school textbooks available
and no other version is allowed by the government. These two versions of Chinese
history books are almost entirely identical in contents. The only difference is that they are
published by two presses. And both of them are severely distorted.
The Chinese government has been vigorously engaging in a persistent “Patriotism
Education” movement by using China’s modern history since the Opium War (1840) as a
tool. The initial purpose of such movement was to demonstrate the abject ineptitude of all
those “feudal” and “bourgeois” leaders in the past, from the Qing emperors to Sun Yat-
sun and Chiang Kai-shek, to deal with foreign imperialism and foreign invaders, thus
leaving the Chinese Communists as the only savior of the Chinese nation and its people.
With such a teleological purpose, the “Patriotism Education” often demonstrates blatant
distortion of basic facts in China’s modern history. In the current Chinese history
textbooks for high schoolers, a dichotomy between China the virtuous and the rest of the
World the evil is explicit. Little self-awareness is displayed in treatments of such
momentous events as the xenophobic Boxer Rebellion of 1900 whereby the Boxers are
exalted, without any criticism for its indiscriminating killings of foreigners, as the
ultimate heroes of Chinese patriotism. In such a textbook, xenophobia becomes virtuous,
foreign forces become invariably negative and often evil.
The Chinese leaders are frequent murderers of historical facts when they argue for their
current policies. Since the mid-1990s, the Chinese leaders have often cited the 16th
president of the U.S. Abraham Lincoln as a good example for waging war to preserve
“the territorial integrity of the Motherland.” They have said that Lincoln was right in
using the instrument of arms to keep the Union from falling apart; therefore, China is
justified to wage war on Taiwan to prevent Taiwan’s independence. But they would
never say that the fundamental reason for the American Civil War was slavery, not just to
preserve the Union, just as the fundamental reason for the China/Taiwan conflict is the
4
conflict between a dictatorial communist system and a vibrant democracy. When
persuasion failed to materialize, the Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao in March 2005,
in a desperate attempt to justify China’s Anti-Secession Law, openly fabricated history
by claiming that the U.S. government had a couple of anti-secession laws passed in the
Congress before the Civil War started, while in fact no such laws had ever been in
existence before the Civil War. But for ordinary Chinese, Wen’s words are taken as a
truism.
CHINESE NATIONALISM AND CHINESE CHAUVINISM: China prides itself for
being one of the longest continuous civilizations in the world. Indeed there are many
marvelous achievements in the Chinese civilization. But the current surge of Chinese
nationalism has hijacked this great sense of pride and turned it into a peculiar brand of
Chinese chauvinism that often publicly manifests itself as blatant racism. In March 2005,
the U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice visited China. While there, she made a few
statements mildly critical of China’s belligerent “Anti-Secession Law” aimed at Taiwan,
and urged the Chinese government to embrace more democratic virtues. Many Chinese
burst into racist tirades against African Americans in general and Secretary Rice in
particular on many of China’s government-sponsored Internet BBS forums. “Black
b***ch!,” “woman n**er,” “Americans’ IQ is so low that they have chosen a black
b***ch to be their Secretary of State,” “Rice is nothing but a lackey of the American
hegemonism,” are among the ugliest racist commentaries that remained uncensored by
the otherwise ubiquitous Internet police in the world’s most monitored cyberspace.
If these racist outbursts reflect some extreme tendencies among the extreme elements in
China’s society, internalized chauvinism in China’s popular culture remains pervasive
among ordinary Chinese citizens. The Chinese government in its vigorous campaign of
“Patriotism Education” strongly endorses “patriotic songs” that blatantly advocates
chauvinism. Earlier this year (2005), the CCP authorities in Shanghai endorsed three such
“patriotic songs” for all high schools in the region. One of them is called “The
Chinese”(Zhongguoren) by the pop star Liu Dehua. The lyric defines what qualifies one
as a “Chinese,” i.e. one must have “yellow face and black eyes.” Another popular song
by Luo Dayou, called “The Pearl of the East” (dongfang zhizhu), also urges that “please
don’t forget my forever yellow face.” Perhaps the most popular “patriotic song” in the
last 25 years in China is Zhang Mingmin’s “Dragon’s Descendents” (long de chuanren),
which defines a Chinese as someone with “black eyes, black hair, and yellow skin.” The
latest “patriotic song” performed at every major national TV event is Ye Fan’s “Dear
China, I Love You!” (qinai de zhongguo wo ai ni), which goes even further by claiming
that “My yellow skin is China’s national flag.”
This is of course blatant display of “Han Chinese” chauvinism. It says that if you do not
have “yellow skin, black eyes, or black hair,” you are not Chinese and patriotic.
Consequently, others living inside China--the Tibetans, the Koreans, the Mongolians, the
Muslims, etc—are not “Chinese” per se, therefore fall outside of the “patriotic love” by
the motherland.
5
In conclusion, the current surge of Chinese nationalism has in many ways been hijacked
by Chinese politics to serve the interest of the Chinese Communist Party who desperately
needs new sources of legitimacy. The CCP government fears a violent uprising against its
glaring lack of democratic virtues. Consequently, it has engineered with great skill a
twisted “Chinese nationalism” that embodies a mishmash of latter day Marxism/Leninism,
Chinese chauvinism, xenophobia, and blatant historical revisionism.
6
问：还乡团老干部是干什么的？
答：解放思想，不管黑白，杀出血路，让一部分人先富起来，复兴盛世，五千年最大的盛世，石头过刀，茅草过火，人要换种。
谁不改革谁下台！不改革，谁都没有好下场！
这样的总理，是不是绿畜蛔虫？viewtopic.php?p=1325769
劣迹斑斑、暴行累累：一千年来，中国绿畜暴乱年表(部分)viewtopic.php?t=16429
粗略估算中国反华狗总数量，至少一亿六千万。viewtopic.php?t=201053
在电脑浏览器中打开微博视频页面的方法：viewtopic.php?t=74831
答：解放思想，不管黑白，杀出血路，让一部分人先富起来，复兴盛世，五千年最大的盛世，石头过刀，茅草过火，人要换种。
谁不改革谁下台！不改革，谁都没有好下场！
这样的总理，是不是绿畜蛔虫？viewtopic.php?p=1325769
劣迹斑斑、暴行累累：一千年来，中国绿畜暴乱年表(部分)viewtopic.php?t=16429
粗略估算中国反华狗总数量，至少一亿六千万。viewtopic.php?t=201053
在电脑浏览器中打开微博视频页面的方法：viewtopic.php?t=74831
#24 Re: 余茂春的行为动机是什么？
其实美华在这方面确实明显比不上美犹，美犹基本上没人反以色列，但美华至少一半反华、仇华、排华、歧华，为了说得好听点，说成是反共。中美斗起来之后，老逼将们给娃改名直接用「反华」、「仇华」、「排华」、「歧华」得了。
说来说去，你还是傻
#25 Re: 余茂春的行为动机是什么？
毛反对清政府和民国政府是为了什么？soccersucker 写了： 2024年 11月 24日 00:43 羽毛春在国内时也是饱读诗书，在高考里也是千军万马中杀出来的天之骄子。能听出来中国的历史典籍对他思想的影响很深。
他公开发表的只有反共的言论，没有反华的言论。
他说中国媒体说他是活着的最大的汉奸时，是有悲凉的自嘲的意味的。
他是真正的认为，中共的专政政权，极大的降低了普通中国人的人权幸福快乐？他帮着美国推翻中共，真正是觉得是对普通中国人做的好事吗？
有一点肯定的是，不管是川普还是彭培奥等，他们不管是中国还是中共，越烂越乱对美国的威胁越小越好。
#28 Re: 余茂春的行为动机是什么？
根本没人说得清楚什么是华。。谁能代表华！
是这些在本版发帖的？合法移民中的EB, 还是FB？或者非法移民？或者天朝的今上？前朝的那些，书记？ 天朝既得利益者？还是天朝pm?
或者tw, sg，hk的？
所有这些群体利益都是完全不同的，混为一谈不是傻就是坏
是这些在本版发帖的？合法移民中的EB, 还是FB？或者非法移民？或者天朝的今上？前朝的那些，书记？ 天朝既得利益者？还是天朝pm?
或者tw, sg，hk的？
所有这些群体利益都是完全不同的，混为一谈不是傻就是坏
x1
x1
#31 Re: 余茂春的行为动机是什么？
"Tibetans, the Koreans, the Mongolians, the Muslims" 这一段太傻逼了。羽毛春是当洋大人不知道藏人、朝鲜人、蒙古人、回民都是黄皮吗？
#32 Re: 余茂春的行为动机是什么？
五毛你特么还在想发贴早日出狱，现在终老监狱是你最好的选择，出狱后你会过得生不如死mzliew 写了： 2024年 11月 24日 08:37 "Tibetans, the Koreans, the Mongolians, the Muslims" 这一段太傻逼了。羽毛春是当洋大人不知道藏人、朝鲜人、蒙古人、回民都是黄皮吗？
#36 Re: 余茂春的行为动机是什么？
soccersucker 写了： 2024年 11月 24日 00:43 羽毛春在国内时也是饱读诗书，在高考里也是千军万马中杀出来的天之骄子。能听出来中国的历史典籍对他思想的影响很深。
他公开发表的只有反共的言论，没有反华的言论。
他说中国媒体说他是活着的最大的汉奸时，是有悲凉的自嘲的意味的。
他是真正的认为，中共的专政政权，极大的降低了普通中国人的人权幸福快乐？他帮着美国推翻中共，真正是觉得是对普通中国人做的好事吗？
有一点肯定的是，不管是川普还是彭培奥等，他们不管是中国还是中共，越烂越乱对美国的威胁越小越好。
他是美国公民，service 他的国家，不是很正常吗？
x2
#37 Re: 余茂春的行为动机是什么？
范文程
soccersucker 写了： 2024年 11月 24日 00:43 羽毛春在国内时也是饱读诗书，在高考里也是千军万马中杀出来的天之骄子。能听出来中国的历史典籍对他思想的影响很深。
他公开发表的只有反共的言论，没有反华的言论。
他说中国媒体说他是活着的最大的汉奸时，是有悲凉的自嘲的意味的。
他是真正的认为，中共的专政政权，极大的降低了普通中国人的人权幸福快乐？他帮着美国推翻中共，真正是觉得是对普通中国人做的好事吗？
有一点肯定的是，不管是川普还是彭培奥等，他们不管是中国还是中共，越烂越乱对美国的威胁越小越好。
应运而生 在劫难逃
#38 Re: 余茂春的行为动机是什么？
你说的这个共产党，卒于1976年10月_notalandlord 写了： 2024年 11月 24日 02:05 自1840年以来，中国饱受积贫积弱之困，国土沦丧，民众生灵涂炭。“民主”“文明”的外衣下，是列强的欺凌与压迫。面对民族危机，一代又一代的中华儿女前赴后继，探索救国救民的道路。最终，历史选择了中国共产党，人民选择了中国共产党。正是中国共产党带领中国人民，挽救了濒临三千年未有之危局的中华民族。
对于一些敌对国家而言，打压中国、反对中国共产党无疑是其利益驱使的必然选择。他们深知，没有中国共产党作为领导核心，中国或将再次陷入“一盘散沙”的局面。这样，他们便可能再度凌辱中华民族——割占领土、勒索赔款、强迫中国人吸食鸦片，甚至在中国土地上划分租界，重演那段屈辱的历史。
然而令人不解的是，身为中华儿女，有些人竟随敌对势力起舞，妄图诋毁中国共产党。这难道不是“司马昭之心，路人皆知”吗？
#40 Re: 余茂春的行为动机是什么？
当初美国支持中国加入世贸，是因为中国承诺改革，一个和平民主强大意识形态一致的中国对美国是有利的，而不是独裁穷苦，比如朝鲜。soccersucker 写了： 2024年 11月 24日 00:43 羽毛春在国内时也是饱读诗书，在高考里也是千军万马中杀出来的天之骄子。能听出来中国的历史典籍对他思想的影响很深。
他公开发表的只有反共的言论，没有反华的言论。
他说中国媒体说他是活着的最大的汉奸时，是有悲凉的自嘲的意味的。
他是真正的认为，中共的专政政权，极大的降低了普通中国人的人权幸福快乐？他帮着美国推翻中共，真正是觉得是对普通中国人做的好事吗？
有一点肯定的是，不管是川普还是彭培奥等，他们不管是中国还是中共，越烂越乱对美国的威胁越小越好。
于茂春很聪明，所以他反的是中共而不是中国