美利坚帝国,当前可能,正式进入八王之乱的时代,坐稳发车! || 八王之乱是中华历史上最惨烈的至暗时刻
版主: Caravel, TheMatrix, molen
#1 美利坚帝国,当前可能,正式进入八王之乱的时代,坐稳发车! || 八王之乱是中华历史上最惨烈的至暗时刻
= B777 ;日耳蛮反赢学 宗师兼首席祛魅技师;日耳蛮反赢学™,日耳蛮反赢学® 公社。
官方拥有三个指数:射墙的扶墙指数
、京人的受惊指数
、特脑残的脑残指数
;均为 out of 5.0,不定时发布评估指数。
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官方拥有三个指数:射墙的扶墙指数



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#2 Re: 美利坚帝国,当前可能,正式进入八王之乱的时代,坐稳发车! || 八王之乱是中华历史上最惨烈的至暗时刻
= B777 ;日耳蛮反赢学 宗师兼首席祛魅技师;日耳蛮反赢学™,日耳蛮反赢学® 公社。
官方拥有三个指数:射墙的扶墙指数
、京人的受惊指数
、特脑残的脑残指数
;均为 out of 5.0,不定时发布评估指数。
# Copyright(2024- 永久) © + 注册商标(2024- 永久) ®:世界寰球宇宙最佳指数委员会
官方拥有三个指数:射墙的扶墙指数



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#4 Re: 美利坚帝国,当前可能,正式进入八王之乱的时代,坐稳发车! || 八王之乱是中华历史上最惨烈的至暗时刻
八个王八,也是可以的,虚数泛指而已。
= B777 ;日耳蛮反赢学 宗师兼首席祛魅技师;日耳蛮反赢学™,日耳蛮反赢学® 公社。
官方拥有三个指数:射墙的扶墙指数
、京人的受惊指数
、特脑残的脑残指数
;均为 out of 5.0,不定时发布评估指数。
# Copyright(2024- 永久) © + 注册商标(2024- 永久) ®:世界寰球宇宙最佳指数委员会
官方拥有三个指数:射墙的扶墙指数



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#5 Re: 美利坚帝国,当前可能,正式进入八王之乱的时代,坐稳发车! || 八王之乱是中华历史上最惨烈的至暗时刻
八王之乱,表面是:“傻皇帝们轮流坐皇位,外戚家族们争实权”。
而本质是:精英们分赃不均,德不配位,于是相互征伐,有些类似古代欧洲一大群领主之间的长年大混战时代。因为长年不关心劳作生产,饿殍遍野,吞吃人肉,道德沦丧。
而本质是:精英们分赃不均,德不配位,于是相互征伐,有些类似古代欧洲一大群领主之间的长年大混战时代。因为长年不关心劳作生产,饿殍遍野,吞吃人肉,道德沦丧。
= B777 ;日耳蛮反赢学 宗师兼首席祛魅技师;日耳蛮反赢学™,日耳蛮反赢学® 公社。
官方拥有三个指数:射墙的扶墙指数
、京人的受惊指数
、特脑残的脑残指数
;均为 out of 5.0,不定时发布评估指数。
# Copyright(2024- 永久) © + 注册商标(2024- 永久) ®:世界寰球宇宙最佳指数委员会
官方拥有三个指数:射墙的扶墙指数



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#7 Re: 美利坚帝国,当前可能,正式进入八王之乱的时代,坐稳发车! || 八王之乱是中华历史上最惨烈的至暗时刻
A debt crisis often creates the conditions in which populist leaders can rise to power due to the following interconnected political, economic, and social dynamics:
1. Economic Hardship Fuels Public Anger
Debt crises typically result in austerity measures: cuts to public services, tax increases, and rising unemployment.
These hardships disproportionately affect middle- and lower-income groups, leading to disillusionment with the status quo.
Populists tap into this discontent by blaming elites, international institutions (like the IMF or EU), or foreign powers.
2. Loss of Trust in Traditional Parties
Mainstream political parties are often seen as responsible for the crisis due to past mismanagement, corruption, or excessive borrowing.
Populist leaders present themselves as outsiders who will clean up the system and act in the interest of “the people” rather than the elite or establishment.
3. Simplistic Solutions in Complex Times
Populists offer simple, emotionally appealing solutions to complex economic problems (e.g., “cancel the debt,” “leave the EU,” “tax the rich”).
These ideas resonate more during times of uncertainty when citizens seek clarity, certainty, and leadership.
4. Rise of Nationalism and Anti-Globalization Sentiment
Debt crises often involve international creditors, prompting anti-globalist backlash.
Populists capitalize on this by promoting national sovereignty, opposing international bailouts, and emphasizing domestic control over economic policy.
5. Social Fragmentation and Scapegoating
Economic collapse can deepen social divisions and increase resentment toward minorities, immigrants, or other groups blamed for the crisis.
Populist leaders frequently use this moment to mobilize identity politics and draw support from groups who feel culturally or economically left behind.
6. Erosion of Democratic Norms
In desperate times, people may tolerate or support authoritarian tendencies in populist leaders if they promise quick fixes or strong leadership.
Populists may exploit this to weaken institutions and consolidate power.
Historical Examples
Greece (2010s debt crisis): Rise of Syriza (left-wing populist) and later support for right-wing populists.
Italy: The 5 Star Movement and Lega gained traction during the Eurozone crisis.
Argentina: Recurring debt crises have fueled swings between populist Peronist and anti-populist governments.
In essence, a debt crisis destabilizes the social contract, and populists are often best positioned to exploit that disruption with a narrative that promises restoration and revenge.
1. Economic Hardship Fuels Public Anger
Debt crises typically result in austerity measures: cuts to public services, tax increases, and rising unemployment.
These hardships disproportionately affect middle- and lower-income groups, leading to disillusionment with the status quo.
Populists tap into this discontent by blaming elites, international institutions (like the IMF or EU), or foreign powers.
2. Loss of Trust in Traditional Parties
Mainstream political parties are often seen as responsible for the crisis due to past mismanagement, corruption, or excessive borrowing.
Populist leaders present themselves as outsiders who will clean up the system and act in the interest of “the people” rather than the elite or establishment.
3. Simplistic Solutions in Complex Times
Populists offer simple, emotionally appealing solutions to complex economic problems (e.g., “cancel the debt,” “leave the EU,” “tax the rich”).
These ideas resonate more during times of uncertainty when citizens seek clarity, certainty, and leadership.
4. Rise of Nationalism and Anti-Globalization Sentiment
Debt crises often involve international creditors, prompting anti-globalist backlash.
Populists capitalize on this by promoting national sovereignty, opposing international bailouts, and emphasizing domestic control over economic policy.
5. Social Fragmentation and Scapegoating
Economic collapse can deepen social divisions and increase resentment toward minorities, immigrants, or other groups blamed for the crisis.
Populist leaders frequently use this moment to mobilize identity politics and draw support from groups who feel culturally or economically left behind.
6. Erosion of Democratic Norms
In desperate times, people may tolerate or support authoritarian tendencies in populist leaders if they promise quick fixes or strong leadership.
Populists may exploit this to weaken institutions and consolidate power.
Historical Examples
Greece (2010s debt crisis): Rise of Syriza (left-wing populist) and later support for right-wing populists.
Italy: The 5 Star Movement and Lega gained traction during the Eurozone crisis.
Argentina: Recurring debt crises have fueled swings between populist Peronist and anti-populist governments.
In essence, a debt crisis destabilizes the social contract, and populists are often best positioned to exploit that disruption with a narrative that promises restoration and revenge.
#8 Re: 美利坚帝国,当前可能,正式进入八王之乱的时代,坐稳发车! || 八王之乱是中华历史上最惨烈的至暗时刻
Yes, Donald Trump is widely considered a populist, particularly in the context of right-wing populism. His political style, rhetoric, and policy positions align with many characteristics of populism. Here's how:
Key Populist Traits Displayed by Trump
1. “Us vs. Them” Narrative
Trump frames politics as a battle between “the people” (ordinary Americans) and “the elite” (Washington insiders, the media, globalists, etc.).
Frequently criticizes the “deep state”, mainstream media (“fake news”), and career politicians.
2. Anti-Establishment Rhetoric
Portrays himself as an outsider, despite being a wealthy businessman.
Ran in 2016 on the promise to “drain the swamp” in Washington.
3. Nationalism
Emphasizes “America First” policies.
Promotes economic protectionism, strict immigration controls, and withdrawal from international agreements (e.g., Paris Climate Accord, TPP).
4. Charismatic, Direct Communication
Uses social media, especially Twitter, to bypass traditional media and speak directly to his base.
Prefers blunt, emotional language over nuanced policy explanations, which resonates with many working-class voters.
5. Scapegoating and Identity Politics
Often blames immigrants, China, global institutions, or political opponents for America’s problems.
Appeals to cultural grievances and fears about changing demographics and national identity.
Key Populist Traits Displayed by Trump
1. “Us vs. Them” Narrative
Trump frames politics as a battle between “the people” (ordinary Americans) and “the elite” (Washington insiders, the media, globalists, etc.).
Frequently criticizes the “deep state”, mainstream media (“fake news”), and career politicians.
2. Anti-Establishment Rhetoric
Portrays himself as an outsider, despite being a wealthy businessman.
Ran in 2016 on the promise to “drain the swamp” in Washington.
3. Nationalism
Emphasizes “America First” policies.
Promotes economic protectionism, strict immigration controls, and withdrawal from international agreements (e.g., Paris Climate Accord, TPP).
4. Charismatic, Direct Communication
Uses social media, especially Twitter, to bypass traditional media and speak directly to his base.
Prefers blunt, emotional language over nuanced policy explanations, which resonates with many working-class voters.
5. Scapegoating and Identity Politics
Often blames immigrants, China, global institutions, or political opponents for America’s problems.
Appeals to cultural grievances and fears about changing demographics and national identity.
#9 Re: 美利坚帝国,当前可能,正式进入八王之乱的时代,坐稳发车! || 八王之乱是中华历史上最惨烈的至暗时刻
各州的国民警卫队,主要是各州的财政供养,有很少量联邦军费,平时受州长指挥。
总统只是理论上可以调动国民军。
如果,州长抗命,或者国民兵指挥官不听令,就没法调动。
总统理论上可以撤换各州国民兵司令官,但空降的新长官,不一定掌握得了实权,甚至不排除兵变后被扣押驱逐。然后,州内立刻搞独立公投和抗税公投。
所以,看这次 LA的反ICE事件,会怎么发展演变。
= B777 ;日耳蛮反赢学 宗师兼首席祛魅技师;日耳蛮反赢学™,日耳蛮反赢学® 公社。
官方拥有三个指数:射墙的扶墙指数
、京人的受惊指数
、特脑残的脑残指数
;均为 out of 5.0,不定时发布评估指数。
# Copyright(2024- 永久) © + 注册商标(2024- 永久) ®:世界寰球宇宙最佳指数委员会
官方拥有三个指数:射墙的扶墙指数



# Copyright(2024- 永久) © + 注册商标(2024- 永久) ®:世界寰球宇宙最佳指数委员会
#11 Re: 美利坚帝国,当前可能,正式进入八王之乱的时代,坐稳发车! || 八王之乱是中华历史上最惨烈的至暗时刻
ICE不一定是铁板一块。很多也是劳模出身
C999 写了: 2025年 6月 8日 01:22 各州的国民警卫队,主要是各州的财政供养,有很少量联邦军费,平时受州长指挥。
总统只是理论上可以调动国民军。
如果,州长抗命,或者国民兵指挥官不听令,就没法调动。
总统理论上可以撤换各州国民兵司令官,但空降的新长官,不一定掌握得了实权,甚至不排除兵变后被扣押驱逐。然后,州内立刻搞独立公投和抗税公投。
所以,看这次 LA的反ICE事件,会怎么发展演变。
#12 Re: 美利坚帝国,当前可能,正式进入八王之乱的时代,坐稳发车! || 八王之乱是中华历史上最惨烈的至暗时刻
但,毕竟是联邦直属的“中央军-嫡系”:拿人钱财,替人消灾。
何况,其中估计,也有不少是“上车关门党”。
x1

= B777 ;日耳蛮反赢学 宗师兼首席祛魅技师;日耳蛮反赢学™,日耳蛮反赢学® 公社。
官方拥有三个指数:射墙的扶墙指数
、京人的受惊指数
、特脑残的脑残指数
;均为 out of 5.0,不定时发布评估指数。
# Copyright(2024- 永久) © + 注册商标(2024- 永久) ®:世界寰球宇宙最佳指数委员会
官方拥有三个指数:射墙的扶墙指数



# Copyright(2024- 永久) © + 注册商标(2024- 永久) ®:世界寰球宇宙最佳指数委员会