完全赞同Fobes，根本不是什么房地产出口，是老刁畜不忘初心搞共产
Communism May Yet Kill China
Milton Ezrati
Senior Contributor
https://www.forbes.com/sites/miltonezra ... 7754e17410
Jun 4, 2024,08:19am EDT
China's National People's Congress (NPC) - Closing Ceremony
President Xi Jinping addresses the National Peoples Congress in The Great Hall Of The People. (Photo ... [+]GETTY IMAGES
Of China’s many economic and financial problems, the most serious is one least discussed: a debilitating loss of faith among private business people in the future generally and in the reliability on their communist government. More than the headline-grabbing property crisis, the economy’s long-term future — the growth and prosperity that both the Chinese people and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) want — depends heavily on winning back this faith and the trust that goes with it. Prospects today look bleak.
In the late 1970s, when China began its remarkable development, its then President Deng Xiaoping made a critical compromise with the country’s communist ideology. He knew that the development effort would require and active entrepreneurial effort and that would demand private ownership. Rather than repudiate the communist precepts under which China had lived, he described the needs of development as a phase in the nation’s journey to a more perfect socialist future. It worked. Chinese enterprise flourished, the economy grew at a phenomenal rate, and millions rose out of poverty.
Implicit in Deng’s description of what China was doing was the forecast of a return to more socialist principles at some future date. Some might say that Deng never intended such a return, that the whole thing about phases was merely an excuse to do what he knew the economy needed. Whatever Deng’s intensions, it is nonetheless clear now that the present Chinese President Xi Jinping seems to have taken the phase narrative of his processor on board and that he now wants China to take the next step into a more socialist political-economic life. Acting on that belief, he has done his country’s economy great economic harm.
PROMOTED
Even before the Covid pandemic, Xi had begun to make clear his intention of moving to this next phase. He openly showed disdain for private business. In 2018, for instance, his government accused the founder of Anbang Insurance Group, Wu Xiachui, of illegal activities. Wu was sentenced to 18 years in prison. He might even have been guilty as charged, but Beijing took the matter to another level. It seized the company. Over the years since, Beijing has further persecuted business success. In 2021, it cut off funding to two very successful after-school tutorial companies, Juren Education and Wall Street English, driving them into bankruptcy. The firms served hundreds of thousands of Chinese students. Beijing did the same to Jack Ma’s wildly successful retail operation, Alibaba, and also fined it for what it described as an anti-trust violation. The company survived but assumed a much lower profile than previously.
Underscoring the political origin of these moves, Xi made his intensions explicit. He told the 19th party congress that it was time for China to pass from Deng’s phase of its socialist development to the next one, a “new era.” And so that people would make no mistake what he meant, he added variously in several speeches at the time that private business owners and managers needed to become “politically sensible,” spend less time on their narrow business interests and “follow the party.” He spoke of educating “private businesspeople to weaponize their minds with socialist ideology.”
Private business owners and managers could see the writing on the wall. Their future was becoming less secure and their wealth more vulnerable. In the words of economist, Chen Kang, writing in the e-magazine Think China, “In such a business environment, they [business people] can surely only be thinking of transferring assets overseas and emigration instead of continued investments.” China makes such transfers and movements overseas difficult but a clear reluctance by private money to invest says loudly that these men and women have received Xi’s hostile message. Private capital investment in real productive assets, which typically amounts to half the country’s total, has slowed from a growth rate of over 23 percent in 2013, before all the talk of “new eras” began, to 10 percent in 2015, to 5 percent in 2019, to an outright, if small decline last year.
Xi and his colleagues may yet win over private Chinese business. Even if they do, the triumph will only relieve not remedy China’s economic problems. But it is far from apparent that the winning over has even begun. As the old saying goes, trust once lost is hard to recover. Xi’s former posture had clearly done a lot of damage. It will take a long time, if ever, to fix. And right now, time is a luxury that Xi, his economy, and his government can ill afford.
完全赞同Fobes，根本不是什么房地产出口，是老刁畜要共产
此博文来自论坛版块：军事天地（Military）
当然老刁畜还是脑满肠肥，和三胖一样
大赞习总！仅这句话就赢两百次！
严歌苓对美国之音说：“从说了习近平怎么样那时候起，就彻底地好像我这个人不存在一样，彻底地把我从搜索引擎上全部拿掉了，我的名字也不存在了。我觉得这整个做法比较可笑。”她表示，自己只是说出实情，但在不容许任何反驳声音的中国，人们无法预料当局设定的界限(boundary)在哪里，这令她感到非常困扰。
严歌苓的父亲、作家萧马(严敦勋)曾经在中国上个世纪五十年代的“反右”运动中被打为右派，她认为现在的中国宛如文革再现，而她已经重复了父亲的命运。她说：“我爸爸当年遭受的那种不白之冤，我感觉到我现在也正在遭受。我以为我爸爸那代人的命运，我们不会再经受了，现在看来我当时想得太天真了。”
各种做大做强
各种不忘初心，
各种祖宗姓马
各种枫桥经验
停止经济建设为中心的说法
停止科学技术是第一生产力的说法
恢复各种文革口号，包括东南西北中，工农商学兵，党领导一切
五毛逼还尼玛颠倒黑白，以为大家没张眼睛？
前几年，包括疫情期间的好一点的时候，老刁畜用中央文件白纸黑字明确宣布，制止资本无序扩展
各种供销社，各种大食堂，。。。都疯了一样
实际上，向松祚说的清清楚楚，允许资本家是权宜之计，消灭资本家是根本初心
另外华尔街在放这种消息时私底下偷偷的开始买入
安邦的问题始于其四百亿美元现金并购喜来登的邀约，这引起了超越保险监管层的警惕。事后保监会的主席也被处置了。
而教辅问题则是起自于国内补课生态竞争的白热化。一方面是家长们互相嫉妒互相举报违规，一方面是公立学校对教师的管理被冲击，教育质量下降。还有一方面是教师子弟的利益被冲击。
至于蚂蚁金服的问题。则涉及金融风险。
以上三者并没有本质联系，如果说有共同点，那就是中国资本扩张已经逐渐脱离野蛮生长的阶段，必须有规矩了。这三者加起来也没有禁止比特币交易影响深远。
用GPT写完这篇，加上改，得一上午，何苦
老刁畜要共产，没有人要准备世代发展，所有人都准备跑路或者后路